Lesotho…some
lessons for Zimbabwe
Lesotho is a very small country, which
shares a boarder with only one country, South Africa, which also completely
surrounds it. Because of its relative
obscurity on the map, a lot of things go unnoticed in this mountain kingdom,
which has a constitutional monarchy. Of the few times it has grabbed the worlds
attention, it has often been on the back on unsavoury political upheavals, coup
plots, attempts and actual coup d’états a history that only ended in 1998,
after SADC ( led mainly by South Africa and Botswana) intervened.
The recent elections that brought to an
end Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili are no doubt going to consider a
key moment in Lesotho’s own democratic progress, given its soiled history. But
even more important are the lessons that the historic election carries for the
rest of the region, especially Zimbabwe, which has a troubled electoral
history, and which will be headed for an election in the next 12 months.
It is
clear that Lesotho is the latest addition to the barrage of nations who have
taken their places as part of new wave of democratization. The election, while
not perfect had some valuable lessons that countries like Zimbabwe can glean in
terms of how to run an election, how to have collaborative partnerships with
the international community, How Civic Society and official election management
bodies can aid each other in pursuit of shared goals, and also how political
parties can also collaborate to ensure that regime change takes place.
Given
its political history which is littered with military interventions and
meddling in civilian political processes, one of the biggest take outs from the
last election in Lesotho is around the role of the military. What was the role
of the military in these elections? Nothing. The Military in Lesotho has been
able to reform itself from being a meddler and spoiler of democratic processes
to a professional force that understands that they are entrusted with the very
crucial role of protecting citizens with no major role in the electoral processes.
A clear study in contrast with some elements of the Zimbabwean army, who have
refused to accept the professionalism and loyalty to country not individuals
that is demanded by their station. Choosing instead to operate as political
commissars of ZANU PF, and their blant instrument of choice in repressing the
people and their will as expressed in elections. This military madness by just a few high ranking military officials is
credited with saving ZANU PF from exiting the state in 2008.
Part
of the analysis that is given where Zimbabwe is concerned is that, in 2008, had
Mavambo, MDC N and MDC T bandied together, there is very little doubt that the
defeat of ZANU PF could have been more decisive that it was, and there could be
a different governmental configuration as we speak. The opposition bodies in
Lesotho learnt that lesson well, and have been able to turn a seeming defeat
into a victory by the opposition forces led by the All Basotho Congress
(ABC). Had the ABC and its 4 counterpart
parties not taken this route, the Basotho Congress led by Former Prime Minister
Mosili would still be in power today.
The lesson is therefore clear, that political parties in Zimbabwe,
especially those other than ZANU PF, need to be aware of themselves and what
they can be able to achieve as unitary elements, and see whether their
collective intentions are not met better by a coming together of these
different forces to face ZANU PF as a common force fighting a common enemy.
Another
clear lesson from the Lesotho process is one that is meant for ZANU PF itself.
It is a lesson that was given in October of 2011 by the Zambians, when Former
President Rupiah Banda accepted electoral defeat paving the way for the
ascension to power of President Sata. Mosisli’s acceptance of defeat,
especially after his party clearly led on a party by party basis is a not only
commendable but surely something that ZANU PF should be able to use to check
themselves in the future. Part of the challenge that is there in Zimbabwe is
largely because in 2008, the incumbent Robert Mugabe refused to accept defeat
to a clearly more popular Morgan Tsvangirai. By 2008, cases of incumbant’s
accepting electoral defeat on the African continent were few and far between,
but what Lesotho, Zambia and Ghana have given us are close examples not only on
the continent but in the region that this is possible, and for those who take
this noble route, it has been proven so far that there is life after the
presidency both for the former occupier of this institution and for the
country.
Given Zimbabwe’s
fear of foreign observors, Lesotho was able to show that seeking help in
electoral processes and welcoming foreign observors is something that can
assist in not only lending credibility to your processes but also in just
ensuring that the electoral process is free, fair and effectual in terms of
people expressing themselves and that the world can see this. The coordination
effort of international observers that was led by the UNDP in Lesotho clearly
showed the above. In addition to the above, the last Lesotho election also
showed that Election Management bodies, have nothing to fear from civic
society, and that if anything their collaboration can be something that is good
for the integrity of the electoral process. The Independent Electoral
Commission (IEC) in Lesotho worked closely with NGOs to conduct voter
education, knowing that it lacked both the human resources and technical
expertise, though they had the money. Zimbabwe’s own ZEC needs to take heed of
this, and accept that they have nothing to fear except fear itself from
accepting the help of clear talented groups like the Zimbabwe Election Support
Network (ZSN) and the Elections Resource Centre (ERC). Civic society advocacy
programmes and dialogues have helped in facilitating electoral reforms.
So inspite of its
size, its own economic challenges and the fact that some of its citizens would
rather integrate with South Africa, the “tiny” kingdom of Lesotho, has giant
lessons for fellow landlocked SADC country Zimbabwe.
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