DENTING CREDIBILITY, INTIMIDATION AND MISDIRECTION: ZANU PF’s CHOICE TACTIC S AGAINST DEMOCRATIC ACTORS AHEAD OF ELECTIONS

Over the last couple of months there has been a series of seemingly unrelated events that have occupied the space of political discourse in the country, which few of us have bothered to tie together. In spite of the seemingly unrelated nature of the incidents and conversations around them, a clear thread can be pulled through them.  At the centre of these events, incidents and questions has been an attempt to damage the credibility of democratic actors, intimidate those that are pursuing a more democratic dispensation in Zimbabwe, and misdirect the public from real issues to carefully planted ruses.

The conundrum that pro-democracy actors have found themselves in has been that, focusing too much on the incidents presents the danger of creating the impression that, while they demand transparency, accountability and good behaviour from the state, they may appear not to be keen on allowing themselves to be subjected to the same scrutiny. So, oftentimes, these calculated attacks meant to create a credibility gap between democratic actors and their strategic audiences, intimidate them and move peoples attention away from pertinent political questions, are left unchallenged. The net effect being that ZANU PF gradually succeeds in its attempts, which more often than not, are based on half truths, calculated misinformation, sting operations, personal attacks and Google journalism.

Credibility is loosely defined as the quality of being trusted or being believed in. Often, this is a character that one gains through time, effort, and a track record in ones’ work that turns one into a trusted and credible commentator, actor, advocate or provider of information.

Take for instance the case laid against Nqaba Matshazi of The Standard and his Editor Mr. Nevanji Madanhire. This is not the first time that the Standard or its Editor has been subjected to unjustified police and judicial action. It is clear that in this case, there are two primary cases at the centre of this incident. The first is of misdirection. While credible cases of corruption, rape involving minors (which seems to have been swept under the judicial carpet) and release of information in the public interest can be laid against the Reserve Bank Advisor, together with a case of Rape, which seems to have been swept under the judicial carpet – people are forced to focus on issues around the sources of information, with Nqaba being portrayed as a thief for having written the story. We all believe in ethical journalism and agree that subjects in stories should be afforded the right of reply. Having said that, we also believe that unwarranted police and judicial action especially around civil defamation, is unwarranted and impedes the greater cause of freedom of expression. Journalists should not be arrested for doing their jobs. If this were the norm and the police and judicial action was not colour blind, journalists and columnists from the herald, Sunday mail and their sister paper the Patriot would have filled up the jails by now.

The foregoing is an example of how we are then suddenly forced to divert from issues of corruption, alleged rape and crumbling medical service to focus on an issue of law and media ethics, which is neither here nor there. It is the same case in Minister Chombo’s riches saga, a story which itself was first Brocken by the Herald in 2010, but which Xolisani and Stanley Gama from the Daily News are no w being persecuted for. In both instances, the journalists instead of digging deaper on the issues or working towards producing more information on our public figures, in the public interest, are now having to focus on defending themselves in courts, and trying to see how to beat jail. 

The second issue stems from the first. By portraying the Standard and the Daily News as unethical newspapers, their journalists as thieves and gossipers, and the Editors as reckless – there is a clear challenge to the credibility of the papers. The attempt is to create a credibility gap between the Newspapers and their readers, while at the same time intimidating into inaction the journalists in question as well as their peers who are seeing these things happening, All the while misdirecting the broader public from the issues as captured in the stories.  In the case of the Daily News, attempts to enforce a credibility gap have also been by way of questioning their sources of resources for their production. Allegations were levelled to the effect that their printing press was bought by an “ obscure regime change” organisation and that they get their editorial policy briefs from the Americans.

Civic Society has not been spared, with attempts at enforcing this credibility gaps being along the same lines as the Daily News line of attack. In this respect the charge has been led The Patriot Newspaper, which has spun sensational stories based on a mixture of stolen information, Google journalism, self serving half baked political analysis and misinterpretation of basic information that is in the public domain online.  Organisations such as the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, the Zimbabwe Election Support Network, National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations, ZimRIghts and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions to name a few, have been the targets of the vicious attacks, with the calculated intention being to dent the credibility of these organisations in the work they do based on their receipt of foreign funding, and unfounded allegations that simply because they can attend meetings in London, they are now European Spies.

The Patriot, in whose Editorial of the 2^nd of December pretty much dismissed any pretentions of being an independent Newspaper, has been aptly aided by the captured Public Media, but has gone a step further in propagating hate and putting lives of democratic actors at risks through the release of addresses of so called enemies of the state. The question is the motive behind such actions. It is my hope that Super Mandiwanzira and his editorial team are aware that if any harm of a physical nature occurs to these people based on the private information that they have provided that they will be responsible. Outside this calculated intimidation and misdirection (focusing on people instead of issues), the greater worry is that propagating hate at such levels is reminiscent of the Radio Stations in Rwanda, which played a huge part in sponsoring the genocide there in the 90’s, especially now that AB Communications now have a Radio Licence.

On the Political front, the attempt by ZANU PF to counter a self evident truth that they have been at the centre of most cases of political violence in this country, has been effected by way of fluent narrative and painting an image to the region that “all the violence “ is perpetrated by the Movement for Democratic Change. The attempt is to ensure that when violence visits innocent citizens or indeed members of parties opposed to ZANU PF they should lack the moral high ground because they too are violent creating a credibility gap between these actors and their audiences.

If it is true that the whole “ Marriage or non-marriage” of the Prime Minister is a sting operation, without getting to discuss morals in a political discussion, it can easily fit into this fold of attempting to damage his leadership credentials, parties brand and create a credibility gap between him and the electorate. This, as a strategy has already been proven by commentators in the captured public media and in the private media, who are already making the case that if Tsvangirai cant organise himself and show leadership at the home front, how can he organise and show leadership at a national level. Fair comment, I guess, but clearly, one that is instigated by calculated machinations, and also meant to divert attention from pressing national issues and key events to issues otherwise private and personal.

Now, this line of March on the part of ZANU PF is not necessarily new. What maybe new is the introduction of a few new players to play the same old song. Initially people may appreciate the fact that there is a new energy, but because the beat is the same, sooner rather than later monotony will set in and people will recall why the beat had become boring.

Those under attack are not perfect individuals or institutions, but they should take heart from the fact that people are not the fools that ZANU PF thinks they are, and are not as malleable as they have been ensconced to be. If you are credible you are credible, and it will take much more than this to erode that credibility. Unfortunately for a struggle for Democratisation that is over a decade old, Newspapers that have had Editors tortured before and forced into exile like the Standard, or ones that have been bombed into none existence for a period like the Daily News or indeed activists and organisations that base their work on convictions and have right on their side – it will take more than misdirection and intimidation to derail them. Attempts at intimidation, creating credibility gaps and misdirection, coming from where it is coming from, can actually be a badge of honour and an indication that you are doing something right.

UPR: MISSED OPPORTUNITY BECAUSE OF GOVERNMENT’S MISREPRESENTATION

UPR: MISSED OPPORTUNITY BECAUSE OF GOVERNMENT’S MISREPRESENTATION

Zimbabwe is up for its first review during the current cycle of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), a mechanism of the United Nations Human Rights Council, under which all United Nations (UN) member-states report on measures taken to push towards the respect of “Red” Rights (Civil and Political) and the progressive realization of “Green” Rights (Socio-Economic) in their countries. The report is made to the UN Human Rights Council, with scrutiny coming from fellow UN members. Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa will, on 10 October, deliver to the UN, Zimbabwe’s human rights score card.

A reading of the report, however, shows that there is a clear attempt to gloss over and subvert the truth of the situation over the last 4 years, and a self righteous allocation of blame. This allocation of blame, for an otherwise poor human rights record, on sanctions, is the sine qua non of the report that Chinamasa is in Geneva to sell. This is clearly discernable from the fact that it is part of the starting premise in the governments report, and is part of its conclusion, as well as a major element of the challenges that the state cites for non-compliance and fulfillment of some rights.

Several government apologists have, over the weeks, abused the ‘Opinion Pages’ of Public Newspapers, strongly advancing this half-baked argument, which fails to explain how the “sanctions” have led to sustained assaults on civil and political rights, while also failing to engage the issues around lack of transparency and accountability in the administration and exploitation of the country’s vast mineral wealth. For instance, In-spite of vast deposits of diamond-bearing rocks having been found in Marange, the Ministry of Finance professes not to  have seen a single cent from them, while the Ministry of Mines has hailed the exploitation, without clearly stating how much is being generated from these gems, or where the revenue generated is going. For the bulk of Zimbabweans, the only way of knowing that there is money coming from diamonds, is what we have heard of Mines Minister Mpofu’s sprawling fortune, and the splashing of more than a million dollars on a soccer tournament by Mbada Diamonds.

One of the cardinal rules to progress is that, you have to face the hard facts, and then develop a plan for dealing with them. The harsh reality is that there is wanton disrespect of human rights in Zimbabwe, and unfortunately a lot of these violations are state-sponsored. The bigger tragedy is that when opportunities like the UPR come up, the government turns a blind eye to the facts, choosing instead to grandstand and point accusing fingers at everyone but themselves. Where there is no honest reflection, and acknowledgement of the shortcomings, whatever recommendations are posited will not work, as they will be based on a foundation of lies.

One of the things that the government report cites is the indigenization drive, as a key Policy and strategy seeking to “Correct the colonial imbalances by facilitating access to, and ownership of means of production by the indigenous Zimbabweans”. It is difficult to argue against the notion of indigenization and empowerment, as a policy, when the sponsors are genuine. In our case however, the reality is that this noble agenda is driven by a money hungry elite, whose motivation is less the attainment of economic empowerment for ‘the people’, but more to further fatten the bustling pockets of the fat cats in government and their praise singers. The agendas are selfish, poorly thought out, and in themselves, are spanners in the works towards progressive realization of socio-economic rights for the people of Zimbabwe, in their current construct.

It should be clear that, Progressive realization of socio-economic rights in Zimbabwe should not be about making Indigenization Minister Kasukuwere and his band of hangers-on super-rich. Neither should it be about creating a new breed of tenderprenuers, with access to government tenders but no production. Indigenization and the progressive realization of economic rights should be about, not just sharing the little that investors have brought in, but mainly, creating wealth from the soil underneath our feet. Real Economic empowerment should be about the people and how they can be able to genuinely access the economy.  Gone are the days that Thomas Mapfumo sang about, where the people were ZANU and ZANU was the people, if they ever existed. Zimbabwe is more complex than that, with citizens wearing different political hats or none at all, but all in need of relief economically, socially and politically. In light of our riches, our challenge for broad based economic prosperity lies, mainly, in our failure to transparently exploit and manage this wealth, and distributing it in a manner that benefits our entire society.

So it may be, that the UPR may come and go as an opportunity, because, where Zimbabwe is concerned, the process is founded on a report that at best is a misrepresentation, cover-up and  dishonest. Add to this, the mobilization currently going on in Geneva of Countries with poor Human Rights records and the “ African Brotherhood”, to be first to comment on the Zimbabwe report, and you can be sure that several pats on the back, and congratulatory messages will be passed to this ” land locked “ country, for nothing.

The real Human Rights challenge in Zimbabwe is known to its residents, and those who have been following the country’s developments over the last decade or so. If as the report states, Zimbabwe is “desirous of promoting and upholding human rights for all”, here is what the state must do:

1.     Respect civil liberties - Allow people to assemble, interact, associate and speak freely.

2.     Grant us our rights to water, power, education and health.

3.     Dismantle the infrastructures of violence, including vigilante groups like Chipangano, that have been at the centre of torture, summary killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, cohesion and other forms of politically motivated human rights infractions.

4.     Stop abusing our security sector, and develop them into a non-partisan professional security sector that doesn’t meddle in the political affairs of civilians, and is not used, as the blunt instrument of choice, in dealing physically with perceived enemies of the establishment.

5.     Develop genuine empowerment policies that are not aimed at expanding the patronage base of those who occupy the state, or which only serve small political and economic elite, as this does nothing for the progressive realization of socio-economic and cultural rights.

6.     Remove the “sanctions” that the state has placed on the people, which have manifested themselves in the shrinking of democratic space, and the wanton disrespect of human rights (including rights to title and property).

7.     Repeal and amend laws that give life to these “sanctions” on our people like POSA, AIPPA and the Criminal Law Codification Act.

8.     Remove the “economic embargoes” that corruption, cronyism, primitive looting, government largesse and political patronage have placed on our people’s access to the economy and a more prosperous life.

The government needs to stop lying to the world, its people and itself, because perpetuation of these lies is tantamount to building a house on sand – it will not stand, and will sooner rather than later be washed away.

JOB(S) WELL DONE! : A tribute to Steven Paul “Steve” Jobs

JOB(S) WELL DONE! : A tribute to Steven Paul “Steve” Jobs

6 October 2011

More than just a national personality, Steve Jobs, the late Co-Founder of Apple McIntosh, was a global Icon.  Even his parentage and birth into this world was testimony to this fact. Born to a Muslim Syrian Father,  and an American mother of Swiss and German descent, out of wedlock, who gave him up for adoption, with the first proposed surrogate parents refusing to adopt him on the last day because they wanted a girl, Steve, stenciled his belonging there and then. He would be that person, who didn’t really belong to anyone, but would have connections to so many. His multi-cultural biological parents and their multi-national heritage were to be the nature of the company that he would build, the cross cultural connections it would make, and the emergence of Steve, not as an American business leader, but as a global innovator, genius, leader, performer and global citizen.  By the time he died, Steve was the global leader not just of a company but an international tribe of Mac People, whose population continues to grow, shrinking the numbers of PC people.  It is a global tribe that is denoted and driven by the notion of cool. Cool phones, cool apps, cool Macs, Cool tablets, and cool music players. From amongst the number that still belong to the PC tribe, millions aspire to be part of the Mac Tribe, and most eventually join it at different levels.

For many, Steve Jobs was considered the last living genius on earth. Whether this is true or not, is neither here nor there, one fact that is not in dispute is that the man was a living legend.  Outside the serious machines or toys that Apple and Steve Jobs brought to us, we also have him  to thank for some of the laughs that he helped to give us through Award winning animated movies like Toy Story, Wall-E,  Finding Nemo, Ratatouille and others. Steve was the biggest single share holder of Disney Pixar/ The Walt Disney Company, credited with bringing us these great movies and  first brought us Toy Story.

     

His untimely death, one hopes, will be like the end of Toy Story 3. If Steve, is Andy, and has left for college, one hopes that Tim Cook, is that little girl, Bonnie, entrusted with treasured friends and memories in the toys, who showed the potential to take good care of them.  In Tim Cooks case, the imac, iphone, ipad, Macbook, Macair, itunes, and ipod are the toys ( woody, Buz Lightyear, lotsofhugging-bear, and Mr and Mrs Potato Head). We wish him well as he takes care of them hopefully, in the words of Buzz Light Year,  “to Infinity…… and beyond”.

While we mourn this great global loss, we are thankful to Steve and his team at Apple for making our lives better, making us cooler, our lives easier and more enjoyable through his beautiful, innovative and visionary products. As stated atop, being the owner of a  Mac product, is different from anything else that one might own, it is a rite of passage to a tribe serviced by geniuses. Steve Jobs once said

 “Great things in Business are never done by 1 person; they are done by a team of people”.

While we appreciate Steve’s genius and brilliance, we retain confidence in the team that he has left behind. The Global tribe of Mac People will live on, with

“his spirit forever being the foundation of Apple”

At 56, Steve had engineered and been part of achievements that could have taken Hundreds of years. It would seem that,  though the death is early, Steve had served his purpose

– “ a stable and generalized intention to accomplish something that is at once meaningful to the self, and of consequence to the world beyond the self.”

Apple products have brought joy to our lives, delivered efficiency to our work, and helped parcel information and sponsor revolutions. No matter what you do or where you live this giant of a man, has touched and influenced your world in one way or the other.

Job(s) well done and rest iNpeace, Steve.

ZAMBIAN ELECTIONS: A GOOD EXAMPLE OF A GOOD EXAMPLE, AS THE COUNTRY BRINGS TO SADC THE DEMOCRATIC REBIRTH THAT IS NOW COMMON PLACE IN OTHER PARTS OF THE CONTINENT.

Shortly after 0032 HRS on the 23^rd of September, Zimbabwe’s neighbor to the North, Zambia erupted into tumultuous celebrations over the announcement of the results of the Presidential election that had taken place on the 20^th as part of their tripartite elections. The celebrations, far from being from members of the Patriotic Front only, who had won the Presidency, making Michael Chilufiya Sata the 5^th President of post independence Zambia, and judging by the multitudes of people who stormed into the streets in their bed clothes to celebrate. The celebrations were those of a nation, saluting itself for maturing its democracy and enhancing the culture of change. The celebrations were of a nation staying true to the founding principles of democratic governance, where the authority and right to govern is determined by the collective will of the people as expressed through elections.  As Zimbabweans, we can only look to the north with envy and guilt. Envy, because the pleasure of having power change hands with limited incidence in post independent Zimbabwe is a pleasure that we are yet to have. And guilt, because we have no one to blame but ourselves for our desperate situation which has seen democratic regression instead of the democratic rebirth that Zambia and our brothers and sisters in North Africa have achieved.

The developments in Zambia are for Zimbabwe, pregnant with lessons for both the citizens and those who govern them. For those in power, the lesson from Zambia is not only that, incumbents can be defeated but also that, when they do they should bow out graciously. The Zambian election outcome was a victory for the peoples will and shows that real power resides on the streets where the people live. The resolve shown by the people of Zambia in enhancing their democracy through change of government is worthy of salute, and inspite of the skills that the Sata and the PF party possessed, the Zambian people are the real victors of this election. To the majority of them, it was not just about Banda and Sata and deciding who was the better man, it was also about the fact that with 20 years of occupying the state, the majority of people felt that this long incumbency needed to be brought to an end.

Having said that, it is also proper to appreciate that Rupiah Banda and the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy ( MMD) deserve the thanks of not just their nation, but the entire African Continent, for the lesson on respecting the will of the people. There are few things easier than trying to unseat an incumbent President on the African continent. 20 years in power is a long time, but Banda and his colleagues, still left when the people decided to call time on them.  Zambians are generally of a good temperament, being a Christian nation, but the incumbent chose not to test the patience of the people for much longer than was necessary.  This is the second time that Zambia has demonstrated this lesson, after calling time on Dr. Kenneth Kaunda in 1991, and refusing Chilumba an extension to his tenure as President after two terms in 2001. Given what have seen in the recent past in Ivory Coast, Tunisia, Egypt, Lybia and other place, the events in Zambia, are clearly not common place on the continent, and do serve as a good example of a good example. Signs which had manifested themselves in protests and scenes of violence especially in the copper belt, were also ample evidence that while willing to follow the process, the people of Zambia would not stand by as their vote was made not to count. And therein lies the another lesson.

Not that people should be violent, but rather that people have to be vigilant. The opposition and ordinary members of the public in Zambia kept a keen eye on the process and vented whenever there were indications that something was amiss. Ample examples of this vigilance exists from the election. On Election Day, when a polling station in Kanyama constituency in Lusaka, received its election materials late leading to suspicions that the ballots were pre-marked. This turned out not to be the case, but the late consequences were that even the risk of this was averted as balloting did not take place at this station. On the 22^nd, after a long silence of about 7 hours with no word from the Electoral Commission of Zambia, again this vigilance was displayed through street action in Kitwe, Mazabuka,  Ndola Mansa, Barotseland and other areas in the Copper belt as well as sections of Lusaka, on the back of demands for the immediate release of the results.  This vigilance, though characterized by some elements of regrettable violence, no doubt assisted in protecting the peoples vote, and alerting any one with intentions of manipulating the process, that this time the people were watching, with the clear intention of making every vote count.

But before the vote can even be protected, people first have to vote. The last Zambian elections voter turnout figures were not off the charts, but in terms of registration, they did manage to rise by over a million new voters. Those of the million, who made it to the polling stations no doubt assisted in the result that has been dubbed the peoples victory.  Participatory democracy is about exactly that, participation. One cannot reap where they did not sow, or expect to celebrate victory in a race that they didn’t run. By the time of declaration of the result by the ECZ chairperson Judge Mambilima, and announcement that Sata was the President elect by the Chief Justice of Zambia Justice Sakala, Sata had an unassailable lead of over 180 000 votes with 7 constituencies still to be counted.  The clear lessons in this case are that, in order to change governing authorities there is no substitute to getting out the vote, and also that in mitigating attempts to rig elections there is no substitute for getting out the vote.

Our own electoral commission has lessons to learn from the Zambia election as well. Outside of various logistical challenges and the slight delays in announcing the results. The Electoral Commission of Zambia conducted its work in a largely transparent manner, and the election was not treated as private party, where only friends are invited. The election was observed by observer missions from across the globe. Local civic society was allowed not to observe the elections, but to monitor it, and the ECZ was able to deliver the final result, just over the ambitious target of doing so within 48 hours that the they had set for themselves and had no legal obligation to abide by. The independence of the commission, which a lot of people doubted was in evidence throughout the process, with feel good stories doing the rounds around how the chairperson had refused to design a voter registration process that favored the MMD even after being offered money for the exercise.

The just ended elections in Zambia, took place just 3 years after the last which had been necessitated by the unfortunate passing on of President Levy Patrick Mwanawasa. Michael Sata ran in those elections, and lost to Rupiah Banda. The margins of improvement by Sata in areas that he carried in those elections, and even more importantly, in areas that President Banda and the MMD considered strong holds, sowed that he and the Patriotic front did not sit on them laurels and resign to their fate. They kept working, knowing that an election would soon be upon them and that to make sense of it, they needed to master “take over” politics. This is a lesson that should not be missed by political parties aspiring to take over the state in Zimbabwe, though based on current form of some parties especially those parties in the GNU, this might already be lost on them. The lesson from the PF victory in Zambia shows that politics also follows the law of the farm, you harvest what you plant, or as Tendai Biti puts it, you eat what you gather or kill. If you gather nothing, you eat nothing.

In the final analysis, it fair to say that Banda was well and truly beaten. He was defeated but certainly not disgraced. Other incumbents need to be able to learn   from this episode. Banda, in spite of the enduring the mocking that he will receive for a week or two over the loss, and the uncomfortable exercise of having to resettle his young wife, from Plot number 1, perhaps to their old farm. There is no doubt that through the mere act of accepting defeat and agreeing to leave the state, he has joined an elite and rare class of leaders on the continent. If there was any fairness in the world, he would be a prime candidate for the Mo Ibrahim Democracy prize.  Outside the positive legacy of Banda the individual, Zambia, claims its place as an consolidating democracy, and joins the elite ranks of countries such as Ghana on how to conduct credible elections and agree to ceed power where this is called for.

As Zimbabweans, we can only pray that these lessons are not lost on us, and that our hardships have not made us immune to inspiration. 

Contemporary and sophisticated forms of discrimination in Zimbabwe, a thorn in our back

DECEMBER 2010

Contemporary and sophisticated forms of discrimination in Zimbabwe, a thorn in our back.

Non-discrimination and equality in the administration of rights is the often unspoken cornerstone of any discourse around Human Rights and their protection and promotion. As the world focuses its attention on discrimination on International Human Rights Day, 10 December, it is important to introspect and check how this phenomenon is manifesting itself today, and hopefully as encouraged by this year’s theme, “ speak out. Stop discrimination” On the continent, and indeed in Zimbabwe when the subject comes up there is an often too easy resort to see discrimination, racism, racial discrimination and related intolerances as something that is done against us, rather than something that we perpetuate. While the legacies of the abhorrent slave trade, colonialism and apartheid are still bright and luminous in our minds, intolerance and discrimination based on race, origins, decent, ethnicity, gender and other grounds is a subject, that does not belong to the past, but is alive today, albeit in some “ sophisticated and new” ways.

The Political Crisis in the Ivory Coast seems to be taking a decidedly ethnic twist, informed by a warped understanding of who is Ivorian. There are recent pronouncements which have been made and promoted by some sectors in Ivorian society to the effect that, Presidential Candidate Outtara, cannot be President of the Ivory Coast, because he is of Burkinabe origins, in spite of the fact that all objective observers of the recently ended Elections there are unequivocal that he was the choice of the Ivorian people to lead the country. While Ivory Coast presents the latest example, this phenomenon has been seen elsewhere on the continent, with Presidential candidates being de-campaigned or being deemed unfit to serve because of their perceived or actual ethnic background and descent. This practice is as ridiculous as saying Nyerere shouldn’t have been the President of Tanzania because he was of Tutsi ethnicity, or that Kaunda was from Malawi, Mugabe from Mozambique or Obama from Kenya. In Zimbabwe, this dimension takes a slightly different twist in terms of political platforms. Whenever a political platform is set up outside the confines of the Capital and is led by someone from outside the Dominant Zezuru groups, the analysis is quick to use as its first tool of analysis, tribe and region. While the analysis is sometimes correct, it is not correct that all platforms of that nature are tribal at their centre, with a vision that is regional or tribal. This thinking more often than not, betrays some prejudices, which we know are wrong, but have and try to hide behind seemingly cogent analysis, using otherwise noble frames of thought.  The result is often the practice of latent discrimination based on ethnicity, with the less dominant groups being the victims of an unwritten code that dictates that they cannot take leadership positions at the highest levels.

On a global scale, the practice of discrimination can be seen in the religious and racial profiling that seems to be common place in the west, where often, grounds for suspicion of criminality, stem from the way one looks and their skin color rather than any pursuit of evidence based thought. Zimbabweans in the SADC region, sometimes are the victims of similar but nationality based profiling. The real unfortunate thing, for such immigrants from Zimbabwe, is that if one is subjected to such discriminatory and unfair practices, there is hardly any support from ones state or hope for intervention based on arguably the primary responsibility of any state, to protect its citizens at home and abroad. Or indeed the primary focus of any foreign mission to look out for the interests of its citizens away from home. This appears to be a new form of sophisticated discrimination with the state as perpetrator. Citizens whether at home or abroad, still deserve the protection and sanctuary of their state, irrespective of where they are domiciled. Retrogressive thinking perpetuated by the Zimbabwean government seems to suggest that one cedes the rights of citizenship and the states obligation over them, once they cross the boarder. The Diaspora and how the Zimbabwean Government relates with it, has brought out an interesting dynamic around systematic discrimination based on geographic location as well as perceived political sympathies. The Zimbabwean Diaspora is thus found in a hard place, where they are prone to discrimination of a racial nature based on their descent, while at the same time, there is no reasonable action that can be taken by their home state, because it abhors the fact that they left in the first place, in search of economic and political stability. At points of trouble, the state conveniently forgets that for most people in the Diaspora, the choice to leave was a Hobson’s choice, based on the states inability to honor its obligations on the home front, and its perpetuation of a rogue state divorced from political and economic stability.  It also conveniently forgets, that for the greater part of the decade, the economy was not the land, but, to all intents and purposes, the Diaspora. Because of perceptions of the Diaspora as hostile to the state, the Diaspora is then effectively shut out from political processes like the constitution making process and elections, which they should be party to, and other forms of economic activity.

Speaking of political processes, Zimbabwe in 2010, showed us that outside the sophisticated new forms of discrimination that are in our midst, race still plays a huge part in our politics. This was abundantly clear during the Constitutional Reform Process Outreach meetings, where being Zimbabwean was defined by the color of ones skin, as non-black Zimbabweans were sometimes chased away from meetings, and where ZANU PF sponsored a definition of citizenship based on the color of ones skin and having a rural home. While there is nothing wrong with being black, or indeed having a rural home, such narrow notions of citizenship are very discriminatory given the high levels of mobility on the continent, the political and economic history of the country, and the phenomenon that is globalization. Such practices conveniently discriminate colored’s, Black Zimbabweans of foreign descent, whites, Indians and other none-black or indigenous Zimbabweans.

Another disturbing contemporary form of discrimination, which is worth noting in Zimbabwe is that practiced on Zimbabweans of foreign descent. Zimbabwe is home to many people of Zambian, Malawian, Congolese and Mozambican decent. These people, some of them 3^rd generation citizens, some longer, find themselves in today’s Zimbabwe derided, even by the highest political authorities in the land as “ Ma Born location”, MaBhurandaya and other derogatory terms that seek to ostracize and alienate them. The registrar general’s office, often weighs in with a blatant misinterpretation of the Citizenship act, and bars these people from participating in elections until they renounce a citizenship that they never had, with a country that they have never called home. As a consequence, in spite of the right to citizenship through birth that is enshrined in the constitution, a lot of these people loose theirs, and exist in flux, being in Zimbabwe but considered aliens, and being aliens who are considered Zimbabweans by their countries of origins. The discrimination goes beyond the political processes and notions of self, and continues to find expression in systematic discrimination in terms of economic opportunities, social cohesion and benefits. While large groups of these people can be found in High density suburbs, farming and mining areas, you can be certain that the bulk of them did not have access to land ownership and will not benefit from the current notions of indigenization.

As the world marks non-discrimination as this years rallying theme, in Zimbabwe, we need to check our attitudes towards women and how we relate to them. All the dimensions raised above, affect them in some times more abhorrent ways than they do man. Often women are the victims of multiple layers of discrimination, first on the basis of sex, then on all the above basis. Imagine being a woman, of foreign descent, handicapped and lesbian. While it is accepted that there are some practices that political leaders hold as morally repugnant, with respect to their opinions, morality cannot and should not be used as a basis for discrimination. To accept these people, especially LGBTI’s are humans, is not to support what they do, it is to accept, that they are equal, with equal rights as all of us, including the right not to be discriminated against on the basis of their sexual orientation.

The call to stop discrimination is call to accept that equality and non-discrimination are at the centre of human rights and democratization discourse. It is call to constitutional rule and respect of the clear none-discrimination clauses in our constitution and universal declarations that we choose often enough, to apply selectively in a discriminatory manner.

SOME STERN WARNINGS FROM THE NORTH OF THE CONTINENT TO SOME IN THE SOUTH

SOME STERN WARNINGS FROM THE NORTH OF THE CONTINENT TO SOME IN THE SOUTH

In Zimbabwe at the moment, it seems treasonous to suggest that what happened in Tunisia can happen in Zimbabwe. But the reality is that it can, and interestingly the authorities in Egypt made similar assertions around the impossibility of a Tunisia happening in Egypt, when the domino theory was put to them and it was suggested that events in their smaller neighbour could spur revolt in their own country.  There is a temptation for the Harare regime to take comfort from thinking that events in North Africa only have a contagion effect based on physical proximity, hence the events in Yemen and Jordan where the Dictators there are scurrying to implement reforms now before their situations escalate.

However, the truth is that in this globalised world where people in Zimbabwe can talk to those in China as if they were two meters away, such comfort is false. When one looks at how well Egypt seemed to be doing economically with GDP growth rates of 5%-7% over the last couple of years, and an unemployment rate of an estimated 25% and Mubarak’s manufactured 88% vote of confidence in the previous elections, one immediately thinks about our own Presidents vote count in the ill-fated and dismissed run-off of 2008, and how the above statistics pale in comparison, when Zimbabwe’s statistics are placed on the table.

What is worse is that the regime in Harare is no longer in a position where they can offer the kind of concessions that Mubarak tried to offer. Zimbabwe already has an inclusive government - so a multi-party cabinet cannot be offered as a concession. The President already has two Deputies, so cannot offer to appoint a third Vice President as giving something. The head of state’s son is too young, and as such his pretentions to the thrown cannot be in the short to medium term on the basis of his age, and in spite of his legendary skills on the basket court, so his not running in the next election cannot be offered as a concession.

Most importantly, Zimbabwe already has a program for reforms. They are called the Global Political Agreement (GPA), which the regime has had two years to implement, but has failed- so a program of reform cannot be offered as a concession.

The biggest lesson for the political leadership in Zimbabwe from what has been happening in the North though, is that they need to make hay while the sun shines. They should pull up their socks and implement an orderly transition, which is responsive and replete with reforms that are democratic. It is a sad and sorry sight to see a veteran leader who would have, no doubt, somewhere in the past done some good for his people, give the kind of Speeches that Ben Ali had to in Tunisia, and which Mubarak tried to resist giving in Egypt. There are opportunities to salvage pride and organize the much vaunted “elegant and dignified exists” that our leaders seem to need and their colleagues advocate for them when it is too late. The GPA offers this opportunity, and instead of having to resort to the constitution when they are on the brink of collapse, now is the opportunity to govern constitutionally, and to facilitate a well meaning constitution that is democratic and people centered which can be part of their lasting legacies, and something that people can point to and say, there was a lot of bad done, but at the end at little good was done too.

If one is a dictator anywhere in the world, there are some clear lessons for the ordinary people that ought to put their proclivities for repression in check and act as a Damascus encounter for them. Simple lessons from events in the north for the ordinary people in Zimbabwe include that:

1.     The people, if united cannot be defeated, and can achieve so much if they arrest their fear.

2.     People can attain their freedom and relief if they cease to solely rely on others, like political leadership and regional bodies of states, to deliver the same to them on a silver platter, but instead look for and provide leadership for themselves.

3.     Social networks that are online and were built to make friends, can be formidable tools in taking on your enemies, at least while the Internet lasts and is available.

4.     Belief and resolve in your own power and the inevitability of your emancipation is key in the march to freedom, and lastly,

5.     When everything else fails, you move your feet to the beat of your heart and take the struggle back to the streets where the people live.

The events in North Africa and some parts of the Arab world are a manifestation of what happens when people are betrayed by political processes and systems, and can no longer rely on their political leaders to look out for their interests. Repression and limitation of democratic options can cull the people in the short term. But in the long term, it only strengthens their resolve; limit their options and breeds strength in radicalism. 

31 years in power is a long time. It was long in Indonesia and it was too long in Egypt. The consequences for Suharto and Mubarak are now the subject of history and studies in democratization and revolution. An Egypt is possible in Zimbabwe, not because of what anyone might say or do to incite people, but simply because circumstances that people are constantly subjected to, point to this possibility. The burning of newspapers, victimization of perceived opponents, crack downs on civil society leaders and their operating space, poor working conditions and wages, repressive laws and partisan institutions are all part of these circumstances.  The only way to limit the possibilities is not for the regime to dig in, but to begin to pull us out of this hole.

WINNING ATTITUDE MATTERS IN DEMOCRATIZATION

FEBRUARY 2011

WINNING ATTITUDE MATTERS IN DEMOCRATIZATION

Winning is not just the actual act of succeeding at a particular point. It is an attitude. Winning is a settled way of thinking or feeling about something that is reflected in behavior. Perversely in Zimbabwe, it is losers who know this common wisdom best and use the practice of a winning attitude to claim victories that are not theirs. ZANU PF and its leader, Robert Mugabe wipe their feet on this wisdom, and in spite of their waning support, have defeated the  “pro democracy movement”, and the will of Zimbabweans, largely on this basis of falsely projecting themselves as winners and refusing to accept electoral outcomes.

Those who are supposed to own the victory seem to underestimate the value of winning as an attitude. So when they are poised for victory or actually win, they project themselves as victims (which they often are), and losers (which they certainly aren’t), eventually failing to claim the victories that are legitimately theirs.

The above thinking may seem simplistic, but it is a critical element of emancipation philosophy anywhere in the world. There are other things that have sustained the rogue ZANU PF regime in power in spite of arguably loosing every general and presidential election since the year 2000. These things are the ones, outside the preemptive false claims of obvious victory, that are akin to the rough play on the soccer-field, the gigantic but skill-less players, and the panga wielding thugs on the sidelines of a soccer money game, who also bark instructions to the referee and intimidate the players. In real terms, outside the well-articulated technical deficiencies to our electoral framework and poisonous political environment, there is also the reality of a creeping military oligarchy. This can be seen through the general militarization of political, social and economic spaces and civilian processes. The country has also had to contend with criminal elements masquerading as war veterans terrorizing the same population that they purport to have liberated. In tow, you have the youth militia - heavily drugged by false notions of patriotism that owe no allegiance to neither flag nor the constitution, but to the shriveled old hand that feeds them.

It may appear as “madness” to want to confront such a determined oppressive machinery. It may well need that “ madness” to do so. Thomas Sankara was right that; you cannot carryout fundamental change without a certain amount of “madness”. In order to be liberated from the oppression that has held Zimbabwe hostage through ZANU PF rule, it needs citizens who are prepared to dare to invent the future through being part of those “mad” men and women. 

There is no one-way to archive democracy, but cross cutting in all methods, has to be a fundamental belief on the part of the strugglers that they can win, some times in spite of the odds. The following may assist In Zimbabwe.

Firstly, There is a need to go beyond the narrative of just stating the difficulties. The Failure to go beyond the scary narrative has been a major problem of the pro-democracy movement including the progressive press. Daily, Zimbabweans are subjected to a narrative of the difficulties attendant to attaining democratization without any affirmation that in spite of stated challenges, the people will prevail. While there is a need to confront the brutal facts, the narrative needs to show how the stated reality can be confronted and defeated. This is the point at which loosing and winning starts.

Secondly, Apathy is a real cause for concern in Zimbabwe. According to ZEC statistics, during the 2008 Harmonized election, an estimated 40% of registered voters cast their votes in Harare, 38,8% in Bulawayo, and 34,8% in Matabeleland South. The recent COPAC outreach meetings statistics showed us that, only 12% of the participants were from the Youth Demographic, which is the biggest demographic group in the country. In addition, ZANU PF’s mobilized minority ran riot at meetings and dominated discourse in most areas- while the bulk of well meaning Zimbabweans and even members of the prodemocracy movement stayed at home. A fair amount of those who stayed at home thought it was a lost cause not worth fighting. They were defeated before the process even began. This silent majority needs to be reawakened in order to make it harder to manipulate political processes and rig election outcomes.

Thirdly, Without underestimating the role of the region, Zimbabweans need to reclaim responsibility for their emancipation. There is a threshold to what the region and the international community can do. The bulk of that responsibility lies with Zimbabweans. Zimbabweans over reliance sometimes on other actors make them victims of a vicious cycle of inaction by international actors. Where they are found rushing from the International Community to the AU, AU to SADC, SADC to the Troika, Troika to the Facilitator, Facilitator back to Zimbabwe with problems still unsolved. Instead of expecting the region to deliver alone, Zimbabweans need to embrace their own challenge and live up to the fighting tradition that led them to emancipating themselves from colonialism. That fighting spirit was never, and is not, the preserve of ZANU PF. Over reliance on other actors, is another sign of the resigned spirit, and lack of belief in ones on capacity to win.

Zimbabweans need to start believing in their ability and power and claim what is rightfully theirs from those who put on airs, that victory is theirs when all objective indications on the ground show that they are nothing more than a tired and defeated lot. Your words inform your attitudes, your attitudes translate to your actions, which inform perceptions, and your perceptions can easily become your reality. 

Moyo’s Re-election to the Speakers post, more than just poetic justice

 March 31 2011

Moyo’s Re-election to the Speakers post, more than just poetic justice

The re-election of Lovemore Moyo to the Post of Speaker of Parliament on the 29^th of March 2011, after the initial election of August 25 2008 election had been annulled by the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe on the 10^th of March 2011, was more than just poetic justice. It makes for some profound reading of Zimbabwe’s political tenor.

The victory reinforces the contention that ZANU PF cannot win a free and fair election. The fact that this defeat was delivered on the 29^th of March, 3 years to the day after ZANU PF received a defeat in the 2008 Harmonized elections and 4 years to the date after SADC forced Mugabe to properly engage with the Opposition in Dar-es-Salam, Tanzania, makes for interesting symbolism. ZANU PF’s eagerness to embarrass its National Chairman in a secret ballot is perhaps proof that they are becoming victims of their own propaganda and exaggerated sense of self.

It also demystifies the rhetoric around ZANU PF’s infallibility. It shows that ZANU PF’s reliance on the margin of error can be checked by the power of numbers. Given the undemocratic means through which ZANU PF had sought to take the position of Speaker of Parliament, ranging from nullification of the first result on flimsy grounds and alleged overt vote buying, the result should be seen as possessing greater meaning than merely the return of Lovemore Moyo, and his party to the Speakers Office. It breathes truth to the assertion that vote rigging in any election can be easily countered by sheer volume of voters –making inflation and deflation of votes more difficult. It doesn’t mean that people will not try, but the task is harder if the progressive turn out is higher.

Moyo’s re-election is also the triumph of unity of purpose over authoritarian overtures. The smaller faction of the MDC, led by Professor Welshman Ncube deserves salutation for rallying behind the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai in order to avert a clear injustice and manipulation of both political and judicial processes. Of course this being politics, there maybe other motivations. However, what this action shows us is what a united opposition to ZANU Pf is able to achieve, and leaves one wondering what could have been if this alliance of purpose had existed in the last harmonized elections. The action by the smaller MDC puts the larger formation in a moral debt, and leaves them with all to do in order to show that they too can rise beyond myopic partisan interests and do what is right. The action, also introduces an interesting twist to the issue of the Deputy Prime Minister’s Position, which Professor Ncube has been trying to wrestle from Professor Mutambara – an ascendency, which his party alleges, has been blocked by Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai.

The victory of Lovemore Moyo signifies a resounding defeat for ZANU PF and Jonathan Moyo’s machinations. It shows that ZANU PF s terror tactics can be self-defeating. The change of position by the MDC led by Welshman Ncube, based on what their Secretary General Priscilla Misihairabwi- Mushonga, said at a press conference on the eve of the election, showed that rather than endearing ZANU PF, such tactics actually lose them support. The election result, showed that these tactics can be defeated and the result must be celebrated as such, a defeat of cohesion, manipulation and corrupt ways of trying to subvert the will of the people.   A cursory inspection will show that these are the same tactics used even in broader National Elections.  The victory raises morale and confidence of supporters of change while demoralizing ZANU PF supporters who have clearly been on the campaign trail for the past few months.

Lastly, it shows that ZANU PF is a divided party whose internal cohesion is breaking down. Simon Khaya Moyo could have gotten at least 96 votes if all party members present had towed the party line. The rebellious nature of some ZANU PF officials has been underplayed in the national debate, while perceived division in the MDC has been overplayed. It is a significant indicator of what might follow in the next general election. It sows seeds of doubt over President Mugabe’s control of the party whereas it seems relatively clear that MDC leadership is holding steady, especially in the larger formation.

One hopes that for the good of the country, this unity of purpose will not only be limited to issues relating to positions. If a joint opposition to ZANU Pf can wrestle back the seat of the Speaker, what stops it from sponsoring and supporting meaningful democratic reforms in the House of Assembly and Senate? These parties whose foundation and roots are found in the pro-democracy movement and have often attested to sharing the aspiration for a democratic Zimbabwe through the repeal of repressive laws, and reform to critical institutions now need to demonstrate this unity of purpose in more meaningful ways that impact on people on the ground.

The significance of this election result should not be lost to the people of Zimbabwe. It is important for some of the key lessons emerging out to be taken to heart. It is time, for people to step out of their small territories, which they try to guard jealously with no meaningful results, to step up and present a united front to common challenges. The unity of purpose displayed should be allowed to concretize and spread beyond political actors, to all pro-democracy actors – spanning political, civil, commercial and ecumenical society, as well as the progressive press and other facets of society, which believe in a better and democratic Zimbabwe. The urgency of such a unity of purpose cannot be overstated as we move towards an election in the near future, based on the mobilization that the autocratic in our midst are undertaking.

“ We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are faced with the fierce urgency of now.”

Martin Luther King Jr, April 4, 1967

SADC: Saying It Best, without Saying Anything At all

 May 31 2011

In the week following the 16^th African Union (AU) Heads of State Summit, Zimbabweans were inundated by propaganda celebrating the absence of the Zimbabwean Question on the Agenda of the AU. This absence was couched as a victory for ZANU PF, and a defeat for efforts of the likes of The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition and other civic groups in their advocacy efforts at the Continental body. Similar assertions have been made in the aftermath of the Extraordinary SADC Summit which took place in Namibia on the 20^th of May 2011, complete with celebrations in the “captured” state run press, of the Harare Orchestrated and executed ejection, detention and harassment of Zimbabwean civic activists from the venue of the Summit. This propaganda betrays the peddler’s lack of understanding of the missions of civic society and their intent in engaging regional and continental bodies like SADC and the African Union.

Missions to the AU, SADC and their allied bodies, at least for the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, are meant to ensure that these bodies set a firm precedence in dealing with errant regimes which refuse to leave power in the face of popular sentiments that they do so. In addition, they are meant to indicate how, from a civil society perspective, SADC and AU can avert situations like the Zimbabwean one from becoming the order of the day on the continent. This advocacy is always informed by the fact that Africa is a continent, which is war weary, and in dire need of peace and stability. It is also informed by the sad reality that political conflicts on the continent have claimed more lives and displaced more people than natural disasters.  As such, given the fact that political conflict often allied to elections is amongst the primary causes of instability, the intent is to contribute towards sustainable stability and peace through advocating for the respecting of democratic processes and promoting democratization as a process.

In order to pursue such a mission with SADC and the African Union, for a Zimbabwean outfit, it is preferable (due to clear democratic deficits that are there in the country) but not necessary to have Zimbabwe on the agenda of key meetings when they take place. The Zimbabwean question, including circumstances like those from June 2008, which we would like to have avoided at all costs in the next election, can be indirectly engaged through the discussion of other trouble spots, like the Ivorian and Tunisian situations as was done in January by the AU, or indeed through the discussions on Madagacar and Swaziland as was done by SADC in Namibia. As policy bodies, the lobbying at the AU and SADC are around cogent policy frameworks to deal with these challenges, which can be used as basis for dealing with similar challenges. This notion is supported by the movement on the continent towards African integration based on values and common convictions around right and wrong beyond the coincidence of plate tectonics’ and the Berlin conference, which bundled us on the same continent, and artificially divided us, respectively.

In spite of the hot air that continues to blown by the architects of people suffering in Zimbabwe, and the rhetoric and spin from their tired spin doctors and Pages, it is clear that there are significant shifts in African policy towards dictatorship and a growing impatience with petulant long term rulers. This clarity is there from how the Ivorian crisis was eventually dealt with, and the isolation that can be seen where our “Brother Leader” Cde Muammer Gaddafi – Head of State and Government of the Great Lybian Jamahiriya and Spiritual leader of the people, is concerned in the battle for Lybia.  There was no elegant, elaborate, face-serving exit for the Gabgo and there certainly will be none for Ghadafi.

In pursuit of the above stated ends, Civic Society has often called on SADC to say something and do something on Zimbabwe, but Namibia was different, and showed us that Silence is indeed sometimes golden, in spite of a raucous and noisy circus being in town. There is a popular saying in romantic parlance, which says,  “ you say it best when you say nothing at all”. This saying proved true at the Namibia Summit. The only allusion to Zimbabwe from the Namibia Summit’s communiqué was in noting the presence of uncle Bob. This in itself says a lot in the context of the ZANU PF agenda, which was to reverse the resolutions from Livingston, intimidate the mediator and purge his team. The strategy fell on its face, in spite of the deployment of some of ZANU PF’s heavy hitters in the form of their negotiating team of Munangagwa, Goche and the second guessed Chinamasa, who were supporting their leader.  Added to this team was a concoction of bogus NGO’s and Youth militia’s who clearly owed no allegiance to neither the flag nor the constitution, but to the shriveled old hand that feeds them as could be seen from the prominent display of Mugabe’s face (from pictures guessed to have been taken in 1972) on all their clothing attire from berets and jackets to t-shirts, leaving one to nauseatingly wonder about their under garments. 

The Bogus NGO Posse were led and comprised of one serial organization former, Goodson Nguni, who this time around was wearing 4 different hats depending on who he was talking to. From the Federation of NGO’s (FONGO) which he formed in 2008, when the SADC Observer mission wanted to engage Civil Society, to the Civil Society Coalition he formed when the Kimberly Process Certification Scheme fact finding mission wanted to engage Civil Society in 2010, to the Association of All African NGO’s (AAANGO) which he claims to have formed in Lusaka two weeks prior to the Special Summit in Namibia, and a new formation which he called Zimbabwe Today, whose main weapon of engagement was a shoddily put together , poorly edited magazine which claimed that all the violence in Zimbabwe is caused by the Movement for Democratic Change led by Morgan Tsvangirayi.

All the above arsenal fell flat on its face, as SADC clearly showed that they would not be held at ransom by unreasonable submissions from just one of the three political parties in the GPA, which sought to reverse the Livingston resolutions through a cocktail of abuses on SADC, personal attacks on the mediator, threats of leaving SADC and unsolicited lessons in International Diplomacy given by Robert Mugabe – the teacher, and generously carried in the Southern Times, which was turned into a Mugabe pamphlet for purposes of the summit.

By the end of the day on the 20^th of May 2011, the leadership of the official ZANU PF delegation retreated to Harare, celebrating their sponsorship of the destruction of the SADC Tribunal in which Chinamasa played the role of Sniper, but still with the specter of the Livingston declaration on top of their heads. By the end of the reading of the Communiqué from the summit and conversations around it and Zimbabwe, it was also clear that SADC was tired of babying a regime that is as old as a person born in April 1980, and led by an old man of 87.

The cost of the failed mission is no doubt being counted by ZANU PF. And now, after spewing vitriol on the South African President, Zuma, soiling the name and repute of Ambassador Lindiwe Zulu and her colleagues in the facilitation team, and calling everyone else in SADC naïve – ZANU PF will now have to do it all again in South Africa in the middle of June and the heart of our winter. There, the Zimbabwean subject will be isolated without the cover of Swaziland and Madagascar.

One can only hope that the region will be stead fast in its resolve not to tolerate hogwash, and stand up to the ZANU PF bullies. One also hopes that the issue of a cogent road map to elections will be dealt with finality, complete with a coherent time framed implementation plan with clear monitoring mechanisms from the regional body. The biggest challenge for the regional body will be to ensure that there are clear demonstrable steps towards the implementation of the SADC Troika resolutions from Livingston, Zambia. That was the call of Zimbabwean Civics in Namibia, and that will be the call of Zimbabwean civics in South Africa.